EUCLIDES BITELO

How anti-politics and the image of being anti-establishment, embodied by figures like Bolsonaro, Milei, Trump, among others, represent a danger to institutional politics and democracy? Pablo Marçal is the new face in this album, but he doesn’t seem to be just another duplicate.

Institutional politics is boring, dull, with people talking and being rebutted without apparently getting anywhere. And often, nothing really is accomplished, just a mere “Mise en Scène” of something that has already been decided in backrooms or, as the late Maria da Conceição Tavares once said in a video that went viral after her death, during “lunches” (almóçoooss) of the social and political classes that actually make decisions. And generally, it’s good that things work this way. The internet, especially social media, has brought to the stage characters like Bolsonaro, Milei, and Trump, who take advantage of this anti-political and anti-system demand for electoral gains. The proof that this works is that all three were elected presidents of Brazil, Argentina, and the United States.

Politics as World Wrestling Entertainment: truth is just a minor detail

Well, in these municipal elections, São Paulo, the largest city in the country and Latin America, Brazil’s third-largest GDP (losing only to the state of São Paulo and to Brazil itself), which prides itself on its economy and being one of the country’s major decision-making centers, has given birth to a new kind of political animal: Pablo Marçal. This mix of messianic life coach with religious pastor, considered a genius by some who pay fortunes to attend his self-help courses, or just a mere scammer, charlatan, and crook by many, has “shaken things up” in the São Paulo election. His stance resembles that of a loose cannon, attacking opponents without evidence, not presenting viable proposals for the city he intends to govern, and making it clear that he doesn’t care about that when he says he will answer debate questions directly on his social media, in a kind of childish and narcissistic pride in his millionaire status, paying others to do his tasks. Not to mention the clear message of arrogance, despite his own ignorance.

But the “loose cannon” posture is just a façade. He knows the audience he wants to reach, and his opponents are not the other politicians, whom he sees as stepping stones for his gags or “mic drop” moments that he will use in clips on his social networks. He sees himself as Moe in the Three Stooges, in front of several Larries and Curlies, as his true antagonist is institutional politics as a whole, a place where he is viewed unfavorably and where he doesn’t fit in. As a kind of far-right 2.0, he might see himself much more as a Bukele, the president of El Salvador, both in his discourse and aesthetically, wearing caps and well-tailored clothes from famous brands, which often verge on excess, ostentation, and bad taste that so well represents his followers.

Serial scams do not sensitize the anti-voter of anti-politics

The question remains: how can a character like this go so far in institutional politics, nearing 20% of voting intentions in Brazil’s largest capital? His past is neither unblemished nor brilliant. Marçal’s “rap sheet” is full of accusations of fraud, financial pyramids, and many other legal issues. For example, he has been convicted of participating in a gang that carried out bank scams through electronic means. Yes, those calls that grandpas and grandmas receive with threats of cutting off their pensions, or that email with the famous “click here” that only serves to steal their data and later their money from bank accounts; the influencer has already been sentenced for this crime, and only escaped prison because the statute of limitations expired. In another case, now with the mask of a millionaire influencer, he led a group to Pico dos Marins, in the interior of São Paulo, where he and his followers nearly died and had to be rescued by firefighters in the middle of the jungle.

I venture a theory: if in 2018 Bolsonaro thrashed his opponents via social media and won the election because of it, Marçal doubles down and takes social media to all spheres of politics, whether in debates, interviews, or street campaigns. The bet seems obvious, as more and more discussions have moved from real life to virtual spaces, so the voter is already accustomed to this model. What is shocking is to see that the rest of the political landscape has been caught off guard once again. Even the Bolsonaro clan, after some conflicting statements, took a stand against the coach. From now on, we will see if, without this support, he will fade away or present himself as a viable option to voters, growing and reaching the second round with a chance of victory.

Current barrier system against absurdities needs rethinking

In the case of Marçal, and those who will undoubtedly see him as a political model from now on, the Electoral Justice, the media outlets that organize debates and cover politics, in short, all agents involved in institutional politics, will have to organize and create antibodies to stop this type of character. It is always interesting to note that he, like the rest of the far-right, does not enter the game to win within democratic rules; they are here to destroy democracy from within.

We still don’t know where the Marçal phenomenon might go, whether he will be disqualified and then fade away (which in São Paulo is known as “russomanização,” referring to Celso Russomanno, who always performed well in early polls and ended up finishing among the last), or if he will grow and threaten Ricardo Nunes and Guilherme Boulos, seen as the main contenders for the Palácio Matarazzo.

But the important thing is that the hyena has already inserted itself among the pack of wolves and the flock of sheep, and no matter what happens, he is already the big winner of this election. His presence and existence in this space are already an affront to democracy. And maybe they still don’t understand this, and I’m not just talking about the voters.